7 August 2023, NIICE Commentary 8790
Lauren Camille M. Ramos
The geopolitical realities of existing border disputes in South Asia are anchored in various overlapping factors, including colonialism mismanagement, unresolved border demarcations, ungoverned areas of natural resources, and the porous nature of the post-partition borders. These regional conflict systems of South Asian states highlight how localised border disputes can become regional in scope as they traverse contestations over geographical and political grievances.
The Meaning of South Asian Borders
Having their borders is a defining moment for every South Asian state. For this article, ‘border’ refers to the geographical and political boundaries that impact the relations among South Asian nations. Historically, the region is one nation. Nevertheless, most intractable border disputes are outcomes of the colonial past. As a significant site of British imperialism, the region has constantly struggled with the consequences of arbitrarily drawn borders. These colonial productions of borders have left constant disputes in postcolonial politics in the region. Furthermore, the demarcation of these sites has inevitably attracted conventional and non-conventional regional security issues.
Bilateral Border Disputes: Seeds of Conflict
Borders are central to identity, trade, security, and state survival narratives. It is regarded as a symbol of political anxiety between neighbouring states. By default, long-standing bilateral border disputes became powerful hurdles in regional security cooperation.
To understand the contemporary border disputes in South Asia, one must delve into the historical legacies that continue to shape the region’s geopolitical landscape. The first border dispute revolved around the Durand Line, which split Afghanistan and Pakistan in 1893. Following thereafter, India and Pakistan were divided by the Radcliffe Line in the west and Bangladesh-India in the east. The India-Bangladesh border is the longest land border that India shares with any of its South Asian neighbours. According to the Government of India, the country saw it as a security concern where belligerent groups and smugglers trespassed the country.
Meanwhile, the India-Pakistan dispute—particularly in Jammu and Kashmir—has been securitised due to the threat of terrorist activity by Pakistan-based military groups. The Council on Foreign Relations documented that cross-border firings and targeted killings of Hindus peaked from 2020 to 2021. Although India and Pakistan implemented a ceasefire in February 2021, it still missed the opportunity to improve relations between the two countries. Furthermore, the heightened military activity of Pakistan against former Prime Minister Imran Khan only fueled the threat to security in the region.
On the other hand, the cordial relations between Nepal and India took a critical turn in 2015 when the Madheshi community blocked the India-Nepal border. The Centre for Land Warfare Studies reported that the 2020 border dispute in the Lipulekh-Limpiadora-Kalapani region has affected the two countries’ long-standing bilateral ties. This conflict was not just localised between the two countries, causing a rush of hostile feelings in the region. The friendliest small boundary disagreement will be between India and Bhutan. The longer durée of India-Bhutan relations paved the way to address this border landscape and possible cross-border tensions.
The perspectives of South Asian countries on border conflicts significantly impact prospects for regional cooperation. Amidst internal conflicts, Afghanistan sees resolving border disputes as essential for fostering regional peace and economic cooperation. Facing multiple border issues, India and Pakistan seek regional cooperation through initiatives like SAARC. Bangladesh, Nepal, and Bhutan also strive for regional stability through peaceful dialogues. Iran, although not conventionally South Asian, focuses on addressing border issues through cooperative measures. Sri Lanka and Maldives concentrate on maritime borders, actively participating in prioritised dialogue and underscoring the importance of peaceful resolutions for regional cooperation.
SAARC: Prospects for Regional Security Cooperation
Regionalism and regional security cooperation have been essential in South Asian integration. By its nature, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was established on 8 December 1985 to address issues, promote growth, and maintain friendly relations among the member countries. The regional organisation needs to achieve its desired goals. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, a four-way generic framework exists for contemporary regional security cooperation.
At the basic level, regional security organisations should facilitate security dialogue and conflict management among their members. Unfortunately, SAARC has no frameworks or mechanisms for conflict management in the region. The countries rely heavily on bilateral discussions, which seldom bear fruitful results. For instance, the bilateral dialogue between India and Pakistan always misses opportunities to ameliorate their ties and is often sabotaged by unwanted bullets from belligerent groups.
Next, SAARC should focus on new forms of regional military cooperation and directed against (possible) external threats through security-building measures. In South Asia, it is more of conventional intergovernmental military cooperation rather than politically motivated by SAARC. India and Sri Lanka expanded their military alliance to fight against LTTE. In 2011, the Ministry of External Affairs announced that India and Afghanistan signed a strategic partnership agreement for military cooperation. The attempt to intensify regional military cooperation outside the bilateral levels could only create more aggressive stances and resentment among the SAARC member states.
In contemporary times, human rights and democracy have increasingly been perceived as a significant part of the security agenda. According to this ideal, fewer wars to non-existent will happen between democratising states. On the regional level, the SAARC Charter of Democracy offered institutional leverage and promoted adjustments in how South Asian countries perceive regional threats.
Lastly, SAARC should drive economic integration as part of a more comprehensive security agenda. Regularising trade and migration corridors among the SAARC member states has provided leverage in promoting regional economic cooperation. However, it could have been faster in this objective if not for lengthy border arrangements fueled by border disputes of neighbouring countries.
Going back to border disputes, the main problem with SAARC is that it failed to include bilateral contentious issues in its security agenda. Borders today define divisions that coerce nations to act selfishly in their interests. Likewise, in South Asia, border disputes highlight that despite sharing the same geographical space, they do not share a common security doctrine as a region.
Conclusion: Transcending Borders
The geopolitics of South Asia’s border conflicts reveal a complex interplay of historical, political, and regional dynamics. Rooted in colonial legacies and exacerbated by contemporary security concerns, these disputes have become formidable obstacles to regional cooperation. SAARC, despite its noble objectives, has struggled due to its inability to address bilateral contentious issues comprehensively. The absence of conflict management mechanisms and the failure to incorporate border disputes within its security agenda have impeded progress. Amidst these challenges, there exists a glimmer of hope. Embracing the concept of borderless cooperative security could pave the way for meaningful cross-border collaboration, offering a path towards enduring peace and stability in the region.
Lauren Camille M. Ramos is a Research Intern at NIICE. Currently, she is perusing BA in International Studies at Polytechnic University of the Philippines Manila.