6 May 2020, NIICE Commentary 4491
Nichole Ballawar
A cartographic restructuring was well-echoed in Chinese President Xi Jinping’s parlance in his state visit to Kathmandu in 2019, wherein he articulated: “We want to support Nepal in its dream to become a land-linked country from the landlocked country”.
Nepal is a landlocked country, surrounded by India in the west, east and south, and China on the north. This geographical incongruity of Nepal makes it highly dependent on its neighbouring states. The Kolkata sea port in West Bengal, India, is the only major trading avenue for Kathmandu. In order to buttress this physiographic challenge, Nepal constantly depends upon its neighbours to fulfil its energy, connectivity and diasporic ambitions. Kathmandu understands it completely that over-dependence on India is like putting all of its eggs in one basket. Therefore, Nepal looks at China as more than just a neighbour; perhaps as a tool to balance out India’s influence. Likewise, China considers Nepal as a stepping stone towards expanding its strategic footprint in South Asia.
The friendship between the two states are worth mentioning as China and Nepal (Nepal Communist party) shares communism as a common ground based on political ideology. During his visit in 2019, Chinese President Xi Jinping also touched upon the long-established connection between China and Nepal, one “bound by mountains and rivers, and stays as close as lips and teeth”. It was a historic visit, as it was the first visit by a Chinese leader to Kathmandu in 23 years. Beijing signed over 18 Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) in areas such as health, transport, agriculture, industry, infrastructure, commerce, education and supply chains with Kathmandu, along with two Letters of Exchange. China also pledged a USD 500 million development aid to Nepal. It is also committed to upgrade the earthquake affected Arniko highway, linking Kathmandu with the Tatopani transit port bordering China. Beijing also pushed for a greater co-operation in railway connectivity with Nepal. An MoU has also been signed to build a railway corridor connecting Kerung to Kathmandu. China had already built a railway line from Lhasa to Shigatse in Tibet. The Shigatse to Kerung line is under construction. Nepal sees this railway line as an impeccable echelon of connectivity for Kathmandu, as it enables a swift trade and commercial congruence. Furthermore, once the connectivity attains traction, Nepal has proposed to extend this route to Pokhara and Lumbini to create an influx of tourists, and enhance people-to-people interaction. Therefore, Kerung to Kathmandu connectivity remains an essential quid pro quo in Nepal-China relations.
Chinese language and ‘influence operations’ are also playing a key role in expanding Chinese interests in Nepal. In 2019, Mandarin was made compulsory in many Nepalese schools. Many scholars have argued that this is a form of Chinese ‘cultural colonisation’. Chinese companies will be efficiently able to establish their strategic footprint in the Himalayan Region, which would also help them conduct business in an effective fashion. The Chinese incursion in Nepal’s geography and polity is something the world can’t turn a blind eye to. Last year, a data report released by the Nepalese Survey Department mentioned that China had encroached 36 hectares of Nepalese land in a gradual manner for its road expansion project in Tibet. This gave rise to protests in a number of Nepalese districts, with placards displaying “Go back China and Return Nepalese land”, considering the Chinese claim that these areas belong to the Furang in Tibet. Nevertheless, China’s influence has penetrated into the political establishment of Nepal. Recently, a rift between political classes in Nepal was mediated by China. Recently, Chinese Ambassador to Nepal Hou Yanqui held a series of meetings with senior leaders in Kathmandu to resolve the inter-party dispute. Conflict mediation in Nepal has been carefully stage-managed by the Chinese to sustain the political process.
Recapturing the world by economic and financial means has become China’s well-established move. But a new paradigm can be seen in China’s Foreign Policy approach to Nepal. China is trying to bring about a new form of communism with Chinese characteristics in Nepal, orchestrated and dictated by it. Preserving a balance of power in its favour, and securing Nepal’s active cooperation in South Asia has become a principal strategic objective in Beijing’s Nepal policy. Above all, since China aspires to become a great power, it has become vital for it to stay not only relevant, but also influential in the region, even if it costs its neighbours their sovereignty.
