Husain Haqqani (2018), Reimagining Pakistan: Transforming a Dysfunctional Nuclear State, New Delhi: HarperCollins India.
Namita Barthwal
Pakistan’s quest for survival, its relationship with the military and radical Islamist groups is a despicable labyrinth that severely interferes with its polity. The ramifications of having been a deep state for far too long have only made Pakistan a sorcerer’s apprentice, severely affecting its civilians. The apparent relationship between the state and terror groups flay the negative image of the country across the world. Pakistan internationally is described as ‘dangerous’, ‘unstable’, ‘terrorist incubator’, ‘fragile’, and ‘intolerant’. These negative descriptions are based upon harsh facts which otherwise are denied in Pakistan’s nationalistic discourse. Intellectual nationals raising the undesirable realities of Pakistan are often labelled anti-national and unpatriotic. Dissenters are vilified for challenging the regime covertly controlled by a nuclear-armed military. One such dissenting public figure in Pakistan is Husain Haqqani. Haqqani is a former ambassador of Pakistan to the United States and High Commissioner of Pakistan to Sri Lanka. He is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, US and the founder of the South Asians against Terrorism and for Human Rights (SAATH) Forum. He criticises Pakistan’s volatile semi-authoritarian regime. He incessantly moots for an undiluted democracy. He has poignantly phrased “a dysfunctional nuclear state” to describe the reality of Pakistan in his seminal book Reimagining Pakistan: Transforming a Dysfunctional Nuclear State. The book resonates the outlook of Carl Schurz’s phrase: ‘My country, right or wrong; if right, to be kept right; and, if wrong, to be set right.’
In the book, he has enquired about the causes of Pakistan’s persistent dysfunctional state and offered an unbiased inquiry into Pakistan’s foundational idea. He has compiled historical facts, political realities, and economic truths that are often blatantly denied as a part of building a ‘positive image’ through half-truths and delusional successes. He believes that Pakistan’s greatest enemy lies in denial of its dysfunctionality. The author is optimistic that if abrasive truths are effectively confronted, Pakistan would do better in its succeeding years.
The initial chapters of the book have laconically provided insights of Pakistan’s point of view on partition and its struggle to develop its national identity. Pakistan was enunciated as an Islamic nation, strictly ruled by the Sharia Law. The author has stated the elites of Pakistan created the nation on the basis of religion ignoring all other significant differences such as ethnicities, languages, and geography. He has cited historical records on partition that suggest Jinnah was determined that partition was the only constitutional way to eliminate the perpetual hostility between Hindus and Muslims. He dreamt better that relations between Hindu’s India and Muslim’s Pakistan will bloom after the partition. His belief was so strong that he kept his Malabar Hill house in Bombay for himself, specifically for his return to the city after retiring from being the Governor-General of Pakistan. In 1948, he passed away leaving behind his envisioned country intellectually bereft. Opposite to Jinnah’s reverie, Pakistan’s relation with India never became amicable, rather it turned hostile and deformed at all levels. The author resented that demographic separation between Muslims and Hindus was the sole ambition of Muslim League. They indolently neglected distinctiveness amongst its Muslim populace. Such carelessness caused an unpleasant secession of Bangladesh and portends more division of the nation. The author claimed that the greatest threat to Pakistan’s authority have come from identically distinct groups seeking regional autonomy, ethnic rights or political inclusion.
The author has highlighted the difference of opinion that exists on how Pakistan views itself vis-à-vis how other states view this supposedly deep state. The author believes that the concerns of the western world with regards to the sustainability of Pakistan has petrified the latter’s establishment. The author has quoted critiques of many eminent thinkers, one being Hans J. Morgenthau who has mocked the creation of Pakistan, calling it a “strange state” doubting its existential viability. The author alleged that such doubts and aspersions have left an indelible impression on the collective-psyche of Pakistanis. The political elites have reacted hyper-consciously in their efforts to keep the country sustained at any cost. Additionally, the Pakistani establishment, in order to project a positive image in the International Relations circuit, have hampered all views that were not pro-Pakistan in their manner and approach. The author adds that in the initial years of Pakistan’s creation, the UK and the US were supportive but for Pakistan receiving political and financial support from these powerful countries was nothing but protection against the fulfilment of some of the worst predictions about its prospects.
The chapters of the book coherently expressed that nationalism and security threats are deeply matted in Pakistan. Nationalism is often exploited by extremists and radicals. Hardliners such as Hafiz Saeed and Syed Salahuddin are internationally recognised terrorists but, in Pakistan they are treated as heroes because they are able to feat their nationalism. The author implicitly explained that Pakistan’s nationalism revolves around two frameworks: First, to reflect the positive image of Pakistan and second, to imitate antipathy towards India. Pakistan is an image-conscious nation. It reacts strongly to the negative comments and rebuttals such remarks via stringent censorship. The nature of information censorship has become more proportionately vigorous as the scepticism on Pakistan’s democratic credentials has increased.
The author has discussed veracity of anti-India hysteria in Pakistan and the origin of Pakistan’s identity that is based upon perpetual hostility with India. Pakistan is a nation-state formed on a belief that Hindus and Muslims are an incompatible union and could not sustain harmoniously in a single society. The author has stated that the leaders of the Muslim league of the pre-partition India laid the foundation of faith-based polity. The demand of partition of Muslim League was only about restoration of Islam’s glorious path. The author argued that creation and existence of Pakistan have instead deduced the survival of Muslims and Islam in South Asia. The author criticised Jinnah led Muslim League because unlike the Indian National Congress, his party did not ponder upon how it would run Pakistan post-independence and focused entirely on formulation of the ideology of Pakistan. The idea of Pakistan is religion-based, but the idea is also about forswearing any resemblance with India. The author has stated that the elites believe Pakistan is not the outcome of political division in British India; it is the culmination of the intense schism between Hindus and Muslims spread over for centuries that created Pakistan.
The fair concern of the author in the book is Pakistan’s preoccupation with national security. He believes that the real issue is economic problems but have always been deemed secondary and less significant than bogus survival threat. The author points that business activities are precarious in Pakistan. Private investment in Pakistan is only 10 percent. Businessmen in Pakistan deter any acknowledgment, let alone display their wealth in public as they often receive intimidations from various sources that include the government imposing taxes, politicians and clerics ask donations, and extremists demand hefty ransoms. Entrepreneurship is often discouraged in Pakistan by religious fanatics. The economic ordeal is critical as the state has sustained itself with external assistance and borrowed money. Currently, CPEC (China-Pakistan Economic Corridor) investment gives Pakistan a hope to revive its economy. The author, however, warned Pakistan that China’s investment is purely economic, contrary to what common Pakistani belief that CPEC is strategic project that would enhance their country’s security. The author believes that Pakistan needs to generate its own money and improve its economic system to give better nutrition, health, and education to its citizens. He argues that the long-term prosperity of Pakistan lies with its political and thought leaders instead of religious fundamentalists. He specified that relying on China’s mercy would not help Pakistan to attain economic success in its own terms and conditions.
The book is a brilliant account of the fallacies and follies of Pakistan. The author, in his best effort, has warned Pakistan of its religious predilection and its zealous nationalism that overlook all other issues of the country. According to the author, ignorance garbed in passion for nation affects the economy, politics, and national security. He believes that falsification of history and creating mirage of success will not benefit Pakistan. Similarly, exploiting historical injustices and international malfeasance as an excuse to ignore its domestic and inter-state problems will not aid Pakistan to grow as nation. The book has offered a path to re-imagine Pakistan and refurbish its faults. The author suggests of thinking more about economics and trade instead of passionately focusing only on identity and entwining it with security. The book is a valuable addition to Pakistan Studies. It is a reliable and rational source of Area Studies and Comparative Studies in South Asia.
